Christian Jochim San Jose State University Among Chinese, feats of mortification are usually performed by spirit mediums in trance at temple festivals, creating an attractive spectacle as well as assuring festival participants that divine forces are potentially present. They also add to the "hot and noisy" (re-nao) atmosphere that is the sine qua non of any Chinese temple festival. These feats include self flagellation with "divine" weapons, such as swords and spiked balls, skewering one's cheeks, and firewalking. Among these, firewalking stands out as a special, large scale, and rarely performed feat. It requires a great deal of planning and manpower; therefore, it cannot occur as spontaneously as other feats often do. But even more importantly, firewalking is not only performed by religious professionals--spirit mediums and certain Taoist priests--it is also done by numerous ordinary festival participants. These are usually robust young men, who may be fulfilling a vow or, at least, acting so as to bring good fortune to themselves and their families through a display of devotion to a temple god. Here will be described firewalking and other rites that were part of a temple festival on the birthday of Bao-sheng Da-di Great Lord Who Protects Life) at his temple in Taibei, Taiwan, on April 27, 1983 (lunar 3/15). The first section will cover the nature of the god and his temple, Bao-an Gong Preservation of Peace Palace). A second section will cover the details of the rites themselves. A concluding section will offer some analysis of their significance. I. Bao-Sheng Da-Di and Bao-an Gong Bao-sheng Da-di is a deity worshipped in Taiwan mainly by descendants of immigrants from Quanzhou Prefecture, Fujian Province, which is just across the Taiwan Straits in mainland China. He has been a key protective deity for people of Quanzhou living on both sides of the Straits. His official title, meaning "Great Lord Who Protects Life," thus well suits his socioreligious role. Although he is a protective god specifically for descendants of Quanzhou immigrants, he also has a role for them and others as a healing god, which is consistent with his human career as a physician. His "biography" is known to people through religious pamphlets that certainly contain as much legend as fact, although they claim to be rooted in historical documents, such as Fujian Provincial Gazetteers. The information in the following paragraphs is from one such pamphlet, simply titled "Brief Introduction to Bao-sheng Da-di" Bao-sheng da-di jian-jie [Taibei: Bao-an Gong Temple Committee, 1982]). Early in the Song Dynasty, on the fifteenth of the third lunar month in 979 CE, a child was born into the Wu family of a village in Tong-an County, Quanzhou Prefecture, Fujian Province. He was given the name Ben. From birth, Wu Ben was a youth of special character. Learning quickly, he read books on astrology, topography, rites and music, and administration of justice; and he was able to recite passages from memory after seeing such books only once. He was especially interested in medicine. In his 17th year he awakened to the way of true self cultivation. Nonetheless, he first served as an Imperial Censor and, then, went off to be a hermit in the mountains, continuing his self cultivation and nourishing his inner nature under famous teachers. In 1032, when Quanzhou and Zhangzhou Prefectures suffered from drought and famine, he succeeded in having rice sent to the starving people there. The next year there was a serious epidemic, for which he was able miraculously to provide a cure. In 1037, in his 58th year, he died. Not long after his death, the people of his home village built a temple in his honor, calling it "Temple of Wu, the True Man" "True Man" being a Taoist term for the perfected person). His title "Great Lord Who Preserves Life" was granted many years later by the Ming Dynasty Emperor Yong-le r. 1403-1425). His mother, suffering from a seemingly incurable disease, had been saved by Wu Ben, who came to court disguised as a Taoist Master offering his services as a physician and, then, disappeared into the heavens. After ordering that Wu Ben's temple be reconstructed in the style of a grand palace, the emperor gave him this title: "Palace Censor who has ascended to Heaven, True Lord of the Miraculous Way of Compassionate Salvation, the Everlasting and Limitless Great Lord who Preserves Life." The number of temples for this deity, and presumably the number of miracles attributed to him, increased over the centuries. In Taiwan alone there are a good number, of which the most famous is Bao-an Gong Preservation of Peace Palace) in Taibei 2811-2812). It stands at 61 Ha-mi Street in the Da Tong District, one of the city's oldest areas, and the city's older residents consider it one of the city's three greatest temples. Bao-an Gong was first constructed in 1805 by immigrants from Tong-an County, Fujian, as a branch temple for Bao-sheng Da-di. It became a key rallying point and identity symbol for Quanzhou settlers in their internecine battles with other Fujianese immigrants, such as those from Zhangzhou. It has been reconstructed many times and remains a key community temple for Fujianese living in the Da Tong District. The present structure dates from the early twentieth century and is one of Taibei's finest examples of temple architecture and carving. It is very well supported and now includes a large park across from its main gate. It is in the park that firewalking rites are held each year as part of the birthday festival of Bao-sheng Da-di. These and other rites that were performed on April 27, 1983 are described below. II. Two Styles of Religiosity in a Divine Birthday Festival The formal ceremony which took place on the morning of Bao-sheng Da-di's birthday contrasted sharply with the firewalking rites of the afternoon. The formality, solemnity, and controlled nature of the morning ceremony seemed to mimic the rites of traditional China's official religion. In fact, they gave one the impression that they were patterned after the commemorative rites for Master Kong Confucius), which are held at the Taipei Confucius Temple a few blocks away every September. By contrast, the open, ecstatic, and, in some ways, gruesome, events of the afternoon seemed to represent what the traditional Chinese state sought to eliminate from the people's religious life. Participants in the morning ceremony honoring Bao-sheng Da-di dressed in traditional style black jackets with long white skirts. Those with key ritual roles represented local government and civic organizations. They arranged themselves symmetrically in the courtyard between the main gate and the main hall of Bao-an Gong 2813). Some carried official symbols of royalty, versions of the imperial fan and parasol 2814). An orchestra performed Chinese classical music. And formal ritual washing was required of officiants who were involved in such key roles as making ritual offerings to the god on his birthday. The main offering, as in birthday rites for Master Kong, was the text of a commemorative eulogy. The eulogy was recited in solemn fashion and, then, ceremoniously carried outside the main gate 2815), where it was consumed by flames, symbolizing its deliverance to the transcendent realm 2816). After those involved in the sacrificial burning of the eulogy returned inside to the courtyard, the ceremony was concluded. As this rite was concluding, preparations had already begun for its contrasting counterpart, which would occur in the afternoon. Portable images of Bao-sheng Da-di were installed in small palanquins, precautions being taken to make sure they were physically as well as spiritually secure in their seats 2817). By early afternoon, a crowd of people had gathered across the street in the park owned by the temple. A folk opera troupe entertained them on a stage in the park as they waited 2819). Hundred of pounds of charcoal arrived, which was placed in a pile about thirty feet long and three feet high to be set ablaze 2819). After burning for an hour or so, it was leveled so that it formed a bed of coals about six feet wide 2820). During this time, a Taoist priest performed rites to purify himself as well as the ritual space of the firewalking, exhibiting his full vestments and wielding a full array of ritual implements 2821-2822). Despite the ostensible necessity of his activity, he drew little attention. Most eyes were now focused on the hot coals spread out in the center of the park. Soon a procession of men dressed in white came from the temple across the street, carrying image-bearing palanquins in pairs or single images of the deity individually 2823-2824). They circumambulated the fire, the solemnity of their mood and the anxiety of the crowd increasing moment by moment. The priest now kneeled at the south end of the fire, stripped of all vestments save his black shorts and holding but one ritual implement, his divine sword. As he performed his final ritual gestures, rock salt was shoveled onto the hot coals, producing a crackling sound and, also, lowering the temperature on the surface of the coals. Attention now focused on the priest, as he initiated the firewalking with his first run across the length of the bed of hot coals 2825). He was followed by the males that had been circumambulating the fire 2826-2828), who made several crossings before the priest again crossed the coals to mark the end of the firewalking 2829). To everyone's great relief the ceremony ended with the firewalkers returning to the temple across the street apparently unscathed. Although most members of the audience never knew it, however, several firewalkers did suffer burns on this occasion.) Members of the audience now came forth with various kinds of containers, into which they placed coals to take home, believing that they had been blessed by the ritual event 2830). They would be used in the same way as are ashes from the incense braziers of famous temples: people would put ash from the coals into incense burners at home or mix it with liquids to drink. III. Concluding Analysis The good fortune carried home with coal ash by members of the firewalking audience would be far less than that earned by the men and youths who actually firewalked. This follows a general principle that the benefit one reaps from participation in a rite is proportionate to one's investment in it. Thus, those who participated in the actual firewalking not only established their valor but also earned spiritual merit--which translates into good fortune--for themselves and their families. Beyond this, the efficacy of the ritual produces communal benefits, for this temple and its god's spiritual power serve to protect the surrounding territory and its inhabitants. What makes the ritual efficacious? What makes certain that is reaches a successful conclusion, instead of a disaster with participants suffering serious injuries? From comments made by observers of this and similar rites in Taiwan, one can conclude that participants believe that the god's protective power will insure a successful event only if ritual purity and ritual caution are maintained. The participants are supposed to observe certain restrictions in lifestyle and diet beforehand, they wear white during the rite, and they carry protective objects, including the god's image, while crossing the fire. Impure persons, such as those menstruating or in mourning, must avoid the place where the rites occur. Finally, those who manage the rites, the Taoist priest as well as the expert fire builders, must know their business well. While people assume that the priest's role is to help insure a proper spiritual context, they are also quite aware that a properly built and packed bed of coals, with a layer of rock salt over it, is necessary to give the firewalkers a fair chance of avoiding injury. Moreover, there does not seem to be the same emphasis on the psycho-physiological state of the participants that there is in other contexts where firewalking occurs. Participants are intensely concentrating on their task, but their concentration seems more conscious than trancelike. And this is perhaps necessary since they do not pass over the coals in a slow procession but in a cautious gallop, paying close attention to the location of those before and behind them. Thus, the spectacle of firewalking is essential to the festive atmosphere of a popular ritual like this. But, apart from the firewalkers' temporarily enhanced state of purity, they are not believed to be in a special spiritual or psycho-physiological) state. They are ordinary persons. For the outside observer, it is practical cautions that let them avoid serious injury. But for the believer, it is the protective power of the god which assures their safety. BIBLIOGRAPHY de Groot, J. J. M. The Religious System of China, Vol. 6. Leiden, 1910; rpt. Taipei, Southern Materials Center, 1982. pp. 1292-1294. Elliot, Alan J. A. Chinese Spirit-Medium Cults in Singapore. London: London School of Economics and Political Science, 1955. pp. 153-156. Ho, Ku-li. "Fire Walking in Hsinchuang." Echo 2.1 Jan. 1972). pp. 18-24, illus. Jochim, Christian. Chinese Religions: A Cultural Perspective. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1986. pp. 143-156 on contrast between official rites and ecstatic popular festivals). Thompson, Laurence G. Chinese Religion: An Introduction, 4th ed. Belmont, Ca.: Wadsworth, 1989. pp. 63-68 on popular gods in Taiwan, including Bao-sheng Da-di). |