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October 26, 2003
DON'T TREAD ON US
Radical Islam Gains a Seductive New Voice

More Muslims are warming to the militant ideology known
as political Islam. Protesters piped up in Indonesia last summer.
By DAVID ROHDE
EW DELHI — American
officials scolded Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad of Malaysia last week
for declaring to the world's largest Muslim organization that Jews control
the world and that frustrated Muslims should try to learn from them.
President Bush privately told the Malaysian leader that his comments
were "wrong and divisive," presidential aides said. The national security
adviser, Condoleezza Rice, said, "I don't think they are emblematic
of the Muslim world."
By many accounts, though, Ms. Rice is voicing wishful thinking. After
Mr. Mahathir spoke, the Muslim heads of state gathered at the 57-member
Organization of the Islamic Conference gave him a standing ovation for
his speech, which ultimately criticized the Islamic world for failing
to modernize.
The acceptance of such conspiratorial views may strike Americans as
despicable or even laughable, but they reflect the influence of Islamic
radicals on the worldviews of millions of Muslims. Conveyed with ease
and authority via the Internet and satellite television, anti-American
and anti-Semitic conspiracy theories abound, not only in Muslim countries
but across the world.
Many of these theories are spread by radical groups that adhere to
an ideology loosely known as political Islam. Stridently anti-Western
and antimodern, political Islam portrays itself as the strongest ideological
counter to democracy and capitalism.
Radical Islamists do far more than simply declare that President Bush
and Israel, for example, are evil. Political Islam is a sophisticated
mixture of fundamentalism and nationalism that can foment acts of violence
against Western targets. But for its followers, it is a romantic liberation
movement — a militant ideology with Marxist echoes that combines Islam's
powerful call for social equality with a critique of Western corporate
imperialism and the corrupt Muslim elites who benefit from it.
The growing voice of political Islam suggests that the United States
faces a much more nebulous enemy in its war on terrorism than a movement
of religious zealots. It is an ideology that persuades some alienated
young Muslims, whether deeply religious or not, to join what they see
as an epic struggle against an evil empire.
Pollsters emphasize that popular support for radical Islamists remains
relatively low in the Muslim world, a vast amalgam of 1.5 billion people
that is by no means monolithic. But by taking advantage of overwhelming
Muslim public disapproval of American policies in Israel and Iraq, political
Islam appears to be gaining traction in some regions.
Growing numbers of Muslims surveyed after the invasion of Iraq say
they see the American war on terrorism as a campaign to weaken Muslims
— a charge long made by radical Islamists. Majorities in seven of eight
predominantly Muslim countries say they worry that the United States
might threaten their countries.
At the same time, statements by Muslim, Christian and Jewish leaders
perceived to be offensive are instantly transmitted around the world
on satellite TV or on the Internet, fueling polarization on all sides.
Recent comments made at a church breakfast by Lt. Gen. William G. Boykin,
a top Pentagon official, likening America's war against Muslim extremists
to a battle against Satan, are a case in point.
Statements like that, analysts say, play into Islamist conspiracy
theories, which blame the United States and Jews for the Muslim world's
oppressive rulers, stagnant economies and sense of powerlessness. "You
are explaining events that are painful to the public, for which the
public has no other explanation that is available, and over which the
public has no power," said Shibley Telhami, a professor at the University
of Maryland and a member of a Bush administration panel that recently
surveyed Muslim attitudes and found "shocking levels of hostility" toward
the United States. "They put forth a theory that explains that the responsibility
lies with someone else."
The Islamist groups are keenly political, often with excellent organizational
and public relations skills. In Pakistan, for example, a coalition of
religious parties that received only 11 percent of the popular vote
in parliamentary elections last year has turned itself into the country's
main opposition group.
The organizations vary widely, ranging from Algeria's ultra-conservative
and ultra-violent Armed Islamic Group to Jamaat-e-Islami, a decades-old
political movement in Pakistan, Bangladesh and India that calls for
establishing Islamic rule through nonviolent, democratic means. The
goal, like that of any political organization, is gaining power. At
times, they blame their enemies for their most reprehensible acts. They
try to turn their own weakness, as well as their opponents' overwhelming
strength, into an asset.
After a car bombing on Oct. 12 at an American complex in Baghdad,
crowds of Iraqis began chanting that the United States had set off the
explosion itself. Two years after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, many
Pakistanis still believe the United States invaded Afghanistan solely
for its natural gas reserves, which are, by global standards, comparatively
small.
Last week, President Bush appeared to be surprised by the depth of
suspicion that moderate religious leaders expressed to him in Indonesia.
"Do they really believe that we think all Muslims are terrorists?" he
asked his aides, shaking his head.
Robert Jackall, a sociology professor at Williams College, said the
Islamists' voice was far larger than their numbers. "There is a fanatical
group, a fringe element," he said, "that have been able to command the
media and have been able to propagate a series of fantastic world images
and a series of fantastic conspiracy theories."
From Iraq to Afghanistan, the number of people who join the guerrilla
wars being waged against American forces may not be large, but as past
attacks have shown, even a small number can do huge damage. In an Oct.
16 memo published by USA Today last week, Defense Secretary Donald H.
Rumsfeld asked whether the United States was losing the effort to halt
the creation of a next generation of terrorists. "Are we capturing,
killing or deterring and dissuading more terrorists every day than the
madrassas and the radical clerics are recruiting, training and deploying
against us?" Mr. Rumsfeld wrote, referring to Islamic religious schools.
"The cost-benefit ratio is against us! Our cost is billions against
the terrorists' costs of millions."
For American policymakers, countering political Islam and its conspiracy
theories can seem baffling. After his meeting with Muslim leaders in
Indonesia, Mr. Bush seemed particularly perplexed by their belief that
the United States was uninterested in the creation of a Palestinian
state, something the president has repeatedly said he supports. It was
unclear whether the Muslim leaders had not heard Mr. Bush's prior statements
or considered them a subterfuge.
Fouad Ajami, a professor of Middle Eastern studies at Johns Hopkins
University, said part of political Islam's antimodern approach was a
rejection of the Western scientific method. So when some Islamists declared,
for instance, that al Qaeda caused this summer's blackout on the East
Coast, that could be accepted without any proof. "When there is a break
in cause and effect," Mr. Ajami said, "it's easy to sell these views
of the world."
Supporters of an aggressive military campaign against terrorism say
the United States, as the world's lone superpower, will be distrusted
no matter what it does. But members of the Bush administration panel
that surveyed Muslim attitudes say American public diplomacy efforts
must be redoubled.
Professor Jackall said the problem was more difficult in some ways
than battling Communism. Sweeping efforts to counter political Islam
could confirm its conspiracy theories and demonstrate its suppleness
as an ideology. After Mr. Mahathir's statements were harshly criticized,
for example, the Malaysian prime minister said the outcry his speech
provoked had proved him right. "The reaction of the world shows that
they control the world," he said, referring to the Jews.
Copyright
2003 The New York Times Company
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